Islamist wave in Middle East

ISLAMIST parties have swept the polls in resounding victories in some areas of the Middle East and this is their chance to prove that Islam and democracy are compatible.

The way forward will be messy, as is expected in any new democracy, but given time, these societies may find themselves with a tolerant brand of Islam that supports democratic ideals. Tunisia, the nation that sparked revolts all over the Arab world, elected the Islamist party Ennahda in successful elections held in October. Ennahda formed a successful coalition with non-religious parties endorsing many female candidates; 42 out of the 49 women elected to the consistent assembly are affiliated with Ennahda. Ghannouchi, founder of the Ennahda party, has promised that he will support the status of women in Tunisia.

His party wants to focus on reducing unemployment, limiting corruption, encouraging investment and establishing good governance. It also claims it believes in a free-market system — all essential for moving the country forward.

Egypt, a nation that took its cue from Tunisia’s revolution, also elected Islamist parties in its first round of elections, with the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party garnering 40 per cent of the vote and the Salafis, a conservative Islamist party, winning another 25 per cent. The Muslim Brotherhood, led by professionals rather than Islamist clerics, is focusing on broad themes of Islamic identity and practical issues such as unemployment and low incomes.

Leaders of the party have pledged equality for Christians and Muslims and a commitment to free expression. The party does not appear to be interested in regulating art, religious content in education and women’s attire. Like Ennahda, it is focusing on fighting corruption and liberalising the economy.

At first glance, the elections in both Tunisia and Egypt seem to have ushered in Islamist parties with tolerant views and a commitment to reform, but in reality, more conservative elements, such as the Salafis, have seeped into the mix.

Recently, Islamists and secularists protested outside Tunisia’s interim parliament, disputing the role Islam should play in government policies. The protests were sparked when Salafis occupied a university campus near Tunis demanding that classes be segregated and women be allowed to wear veils. Three thousand Islamists, reiterating their right to practise their faith, were cordoned off from 1,000 secularists, who vocalised their distrust of Ennahda’s intentions.

Interestingly, Ennhada issued a statement that it did not support the Islamist protest outside parliament. The party is treading carefully to avoid alienating its two secularist coalition partners who will help determine the make-up of the coalition government. While it is trying to distance itself from Islamist hard-liners to appease uneasy western governments it still wants to be seen as supportive of Muslims’ rights to express their faith. The balancing act will become tougher in months to come.

The Salafis in Egypt, conservative Islamists, would like to see the Islamic Sharia implemented. Some believe that a council of religious scholars should advise parliament to ensure compliance with Islamic laws. They would seek to regulate
entertainment, art and culture, and are pushing religion to the forefront of the political debate.

Though the prospect of religious hard-liners gaining momentum scares many within Tunisia and Egypt, the Islamist versus Islamist debate is a testament to democracy and the freedom it has brought about.

In Tunisia, the previous regime persecuted moderate Islamists — Ghannouchi was tortured, imprisoned and exiled. He believes that hard-liners gained momentum in the country because the persecution of moderates led to a vacuum which they were able to fill.

Similarly, the Muslim Brotherhood was persecuted under the Mubarak regime with thousands of members arrested — many were convicted in military courts for illegal organisation.

Conservative Islamist parties do not have the clout of their more moderate counterparts, but Ennahda and the Muslim Brotherhood should take them seriously. Within the political fold these parties will have a forum to express their views, but if left out, there is a danger they could resort to other measures to get their message out.

The Muslim Brotherhood would prefer to avoid a religious debate but the Salafis’ insistence on discussing the role of Islamic law may force the issue.

Thrashing out some of these details early on could benefit the parties going forward by confronting the implementation of certain beliefs. Ghannouchi compares dealing with the Salafis in Tunisia to the way the US handles extreme right and left elements in its political system — edge them away from idealistic rhetoric by bringing them into politics to confront reality.

In the years ahead, political systems and institutions will start to take root which will include secular as well as moderate and hardline Islamist elements. Tolerant Islamists are the flavour of the day, but if future elections bring about a more bitter form,
other countries should respect the choice the people have made, even if it doesn’t sit well on their palate.

The writer, a development economist, is currently working as a freelance journalist in New York.